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Reforms to South Africa’s technical colleges keep failing students and employers: why?

By Stephanie Allais

South Africa’s 50 public technical and vocational education and training (TVET) colleges are, in the main, struggling institutions. In many, throughput rates – how many students qualify in the expected time – are low. Some lecturers are under-qualified and under-resourced. Relationships with employers, which are crucial for the type of training that these colleges offer, are uneven.

Colleges are hard pressed to provide training to young people with weak schooling behind them and no clear path to employment ahead. The youth unemployment rate is almost 44%.

The response to problems in the sector has been reform: rename the colleges, restructure them, give them new governance models, new qualification types, new funding arrangements. Over 30 years of democracy, South Africa has done all of these things, repeatedly. It has not worked.

And now there’s another round of changes being rolled out. There is little clearly documented explanation of what the new system is and how it will work in practice. But colleges have been instructed that most current qualification offerings will be phased out and replaced by new “occupational” qualifications.

In 2024 I wrote a paper tracing the history of the technical and vocational training sector, drawing on published literature, my research on skills development and my own involvement in South Africa’s education and training policy processes. The paper sets out why the sector is not working and what it needs to succeed.

In my view, based on the history of the sector, there is a serious risk that the latest reforms will make things worse.

Thirty years of the same mistake

South Africa’s policy vision and funding model for TVET colleges has, like that of many other countries, been to base funding on student enrolment for programmes that are linked to employer demand. It assumes colleges will respond to what employers want, and channel young people into jobs.

It has a long and largely unsuccessful track record, with problems in many countries – most extensively documented in Australia and the UK, the originators of the broad policy model.

The problem is structural. Funding institutions only through enrolments in specific programmes provides no institutional stability. It creates no incentive to invest in equipment, lecturers, or long-term relationships with employers. It treats colleges as if they were competing as private training providers.

When the programmes that attract funded enrolments change – as they do, repeatedly – colleges are left with stranded staff, obsolete equipment, and no financial buffer. And when new funding is made available, for new programmes, they don’t have lecturers who can teach them.

Private institutions tend not to offer manufacturing-related programmes – those are expensive. They focus on business-related programmes, which are cheaper.

Consider the National Technical Education Diploma (Nated) qualifications, the government-funded programmes that colleges have provided for decades. First, they were to be phased out. Then, when the National Development Plan created TVET enrolment targets, colleges were told to expand them. Colleges have built up staffing around them and enrolled students in them.

Now, the Department of Higher Education and Training has instructed colleges to phase them out. What replaces them are “occupational qualifications”.

The occupational qualifications problem

The department defines an occupation as a set of jobs whose main tasks and duties are characterised by a high degree of similarity (skill specialisation).

The theory behind occupational qualifications is sound: link qualifications to specific occupations, make workplace experience part of the qualification, and graduates will have credentials that employers recognise and value.

The framework has thousands of occupations.

The problem – and here is where our new research (not yet published online) is indicating an uncomfortable finding – is that many of the “occupations” to which these new qualifications are linked do not really exist in workplaces and labour markets. And there is little publicly available information about them.

Some “occupations” have special skills that need special training, and others are really just jobs.

For example, in our research (not yet online) across 53 food and beverage manufacturing plants, we found that there are artisan trades like millwrighting, fitting and turning, and electrical work which fit the idea of an occupation.

But machine operators don’t fit that description. Yet machine operators are among the new qualifications to be offered. The employers we visited don’t need those qualifications. They would rather hire someone they can train themselves, to use the equipment in their plant.

Training in a “knowledge module” like “personal mastery and interpersonal relationships” is not specific to the “occupation” of operating a machine.

You cannot create an occupation by developing a qualification for it. It works the other way: the occupation must exist before you create a qualification for it.

This is not an abstract concern. Colleges are now being instructed to gain accreditation to offer these qualifications, to hire staff to teach them, to find workplace placements for students doing them – all on the assumption that there is a real occupational destination at the end.

For artisans, this assumption holds: there are real occupations that translate to opportunities in the workplace. But for the majority of new occupational qualifications being developed, far more analysis is needed.

What institutions actually need

Colleges cannot become strong institutions through enrolment-driven funding alone, any more than a school can become strong by being paid per pupil with no base funding for teachers or classrooms. And calling qualifications “occupational” does not mean that they will lead to work where there is no meaningful occupation in labour markets or workplaces.

Institutions need a stable core – employed lecturers, maintained equipment, administrative capacity – that allows them to function as institutions rather than as collections of projects cobbled together from different funding streams.

Some of them may be better off offering second-chance matric (secondary school leaving certificate) programmes instead of narrowly focused programmes where there are few real opportunities for employment in the surrounding areas, and no way colleges can find work placements for their learners.

Pockets of genuine excellence exist in the current system: colleges with good employer relationships and real employment outcomes for graduates. What they have in common is principled management, experienced staff, and enough stability to build relationships over time. The system should be trying to replicate those conditions.

In my view, what needs to happen is this:

  • colleges should be funded with a core institutional grant, and enabled to provide a mix of training that reflects their local economic contexts
  • occupational qualifications should be rolled out only where employers need them.

Otherwise the latest reforms risk repeating the errors of the past 30 years. Colleges and young people deserve better than that.

Stephanie Allais is Faculty member, Centre for Researching Education and Labour, University of the Witwatersrand.

THE CONVERSATION

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South Africa faces concerns over draft school pregnancy rules as comment deadline extended

By Charmaine Ndlela

The Equal Education Law Centre, the Western Cape Children’s Commissioner and Ilitha Labantu have raised concerns over the Department of Basic Education’s draft regulations on managing learner pregnancy, warning that gaps could undermine implementation.

The Department of Basic Education has extended the deadline for public comment to May 24, 2026, after civil society groups requested more time to broaden participation.

The extension follows the gazetting last month of the draft regulations under the South African Schools Act, as amended by the Basic Education Laws Amendment Act.

The regulations aim to ensure pregnant learners can remain in school and return after childbirth, supported in a non-discriminatory environment. Schools would be required to provide academic, psychosocial and health support, reinforcing the constitutional right to basic education.

A key provision introduces mandatory reporting in certain cases. Where a learner under 16 falls pregnant, schools would have to report the matter to the Department of Social Development and the South African Police Service.

While intended to address potential statutory offences and protect minors, the measure has raised concerns among stakeholders about its practical implications.

Basic Education Minister Siviwe Gwarube said the regulations build on progress made in addressing learner pregnancy.

“We have moved away from a painful past where young girls were expelled or forced out of school due to pregnancy. These practices contributed to high dropout rates. The regulations reaffirm our commitment to dignity, inclusion and equal opportunity,” she said.

In a joint submission, the organisations welcomed the intent of the regulations but said significant gaps remain.

They cited a lack of clarity on implementation, particularly in under-resourced schools, as well as unclear roles across departments, limited detail on funding, insufficient operational guidance for schools, and capacity constraints in school health and support systems.

Without a clear implementation plan, the groups said, the regulations risk being ineffective despite their policy intent.

They also called for a stronger rights-based approach, with greater emphasis on learners’ dignity, privacy and best interests, improved accountability mechanisms, and clearer recognition of learner fathers.

“The regulations must be responsive, practical and adequately resourced,” the organisations said.

INSIDE EDUCATION

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